ASEAN’s Failure to Stop Military Violence Deepens Myanmar’s Crisis

Following the 48th ASEAN Summit, held on 8 May 2026 in Cebu, the Philippines, the bloc once again failed to take meaningful actions in responding to Myanmar’s rapidly worsening junta-caused polycrisis. At the same time the Summit was taking place, the military continued bombing civilians. ASEAN’s inaction has delayed accountability and deepened the suffering of Myanmar’s peoples. Beyond the Five-Point Consensus (5PC), ASEAN and its member states have viable pathways to protect the people of Myanmar by cutting the flow of funds, weapons, legitimacy, and aviation fuel that continue to enable the junta to commit atrocities.

ASEAN barred the Myanmar military junta’s top figures from attending the ASEAN Ministerial Meetings (AMM) and Summits since October 2021, though it allowed the permanent secretary of junta-controlled foreign affairs ministry to attend during Laos’ chairship in 2024. The junta’s frustration at its exclusion demonstrates that denying Min Aung Hlaing—the self-appointed head of state—and his foreign minister access to AMM and Summits remains one of the few effective measures in the bloc’s approach to the Myanmar crisis. ASEAN should strengthen this approach by excluding all junta-linked individuals and entities, including those produced through sham elections, and instead formally engage with Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG).

At the Summit, divisions within ASEAN became increasingly apparent, with some member states taking a so-called pragmatic approach to normalize the engagement with the rebranded junta despite its continued atrocities and blatant disregard for the 5PC, while others continued to uphold a principled position by opposing any high-level reintegration of the junta without concrete and meaningful progress.

Malaysia’s Foreign Minister, Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan, warned, “We remain uneasy as there are still reports of oppression and brutality against their own people, as well as challenges in getting humanitarian assistance to those in need.” In contrast, Thailand’s Foreign Minister, Sihasak Phuangketkeow, reportedly pushed the ASEAN to hold a sideline meeting with the junta-appointed foreign minister at the Summit, and ASEAN Foreign Ministers agreed to hold a virtual meeting “in the very near future”. Though details and outcomes remain unclear due to the ASEAN’s lack of transparency, another source said the engagement could take place alongside its Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in July.

These plans fall outside the mandate of the 5PC and risk sending the wrong signals to both the junta and to the international community.  Under the 5PC, any engagement should be initiated and led by the ASEAN Special Envoy, whose mandate includes engaging all relevant stakeholders in an inclusive manner.  This remains critical to the ASEAN to uphold its commitment to the 5PC and maintain trust with Myanmar’s democratic resistance movement.

ASEAN’s ineffective response to Myanmar crisis further exposes the bloc’s ongoing failure to uphold a united and principled position grounded in human rights and a rule-based approach. While the Summit statement expressed “deep concern” over the escalation of conflict and “minimal progress” on the implementation the 5PC, it failed to name the main perpetrator and root cause of Myanmar’s polycrisis: the illegitimate and violent military junta. ASEAN also commended the role of AHA Centre in delivering humanitarian aid for Myanmar, despite persistent testaments that aid is not reaching those most in need. ASEAN’s continued negligence regarding the junta’s weaponization of aid and the AHA Centre’s failure to reach internally displaced populations remain major obstacle. ASEAN must operationalize its October 2025 Summit decision to deliver aid to conflict-affected communities through border channels and ensure that assistance bypasses the junta and its controlled mechanisms, including the AHA Centre.

In tandem, the bloc’s reference to “the conclusion of the three phases of Myanmar’s general elections and the succeeding developments” further reflects its failure to firmly reject the junta’s illegal and fraudulent electoral process and its attempt to rebrand itself through a sham parliament. The Summit statement also welcomed the release of over 4,000 prisoners, including “U Win Myint,” the subsequent release of 1,500 more, and the transfer of “Daw Aung San Suu Kyi” to a designated residence without proof. In doing so, ASEAN risks falling for the junta’s legitimacy ploys, while the documented actual number of political prisoners among the released was only 292. By omitting the official titles of President and State Counsellor, ASEAN also risks legitimizing the rebranded junta through its sham electoral process, contrary to Article 2 of the ASEAN Charter and the will of the people of Myanmar.

Five years of complete disregard for the implementation of the 5PC should serve a loud and clear wake-up call to ASEAN that the junta has no genuine intention of implementing the agreement. In a joint statement by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M), Dato’ Sri Saifuddin Abdullah, former Foreign Minister and member of the House of Representatives of Malaysia, Khun Kasit Piromya, former Foreign Minister of Thailand, and Leila M. de Lima, member of the House of Representatives of the Philippines, warned, “It cannot mistake junta half-measures as genuine concessions against the backdrop of the junta’s unabated brutality.”

Separately, following her meeting with civil society actors from Myanmar and the region, Representative Leila M. de Lima urged, “As the ASEAN Chair, the Philippines must demand full, immediate and serious measures” from Min Aung Hlaing and his junta, while calling on ASEAN Leaders to take bolder actions on Myanmar.

Moreover, as the Summit took place, solidarity networks comprising human rights groups , labor organizations, and regional allies gathered in Cebu City  to hold a public forum titled “Supporting Myanmar Peoples’ Call for Democracy Beyond the ‘ASEAN Way,’”, followed by a public protest and the issuance of the “Cebu Declaration”.

The people’s demand to ASEAN is clear: ASEAN must stop recycling failed approaches with quick-fix solutions and instead support Myanmar peoples’ tremendous efforts to build a federal democracy. The longer the bloc delays decisive action, the more emboldened the junta becomes to continue its heinous crimes, further eroding the trust of the people of Myanmar in ASEAN. The Philippines, as the bloc’s current Chair must heed the calls of the people of Myanmar and the region, and act decisively.

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[1] One year following the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the former military junta changed the country’s name from Burma to Myanmar overnight. Progressive Voice uses the term ‘Myanmar’ in acknowledgement that most people of the country use this term. However, the deception of inclusiveness and the historical process of coercion by the former State Peace and Development Council military regime into usage of ‘Myanmar’ rather than ‘Burma’ without the consent of the people is recognized and not forgotten. Thus, under certain circumstances, ‘Burma’ is used.

Progressive Voice is a participatory, rights-based policy research and advocacy organization that was born out of Burma Partnership. Burma Partnership officially ended its work on October 10, 2016 transitioning to a rights-based policy research and advocacy organization called Progressive Voice. For further information, please see our press release “Burma Partnership Celebrates Continuing Regional Solidarity for Burma and Embraces the Work Ahead for Progressive Voice.”