Legitimizing Atrocities Through Diplomatic Recognition

At a time when atrocity crimes are increasingly met with indifference rather than accountability, Myanmar stands as a warning to the world: when perpetrators of atrocity crimes are rewarded with diplomatic recognition rather than accountability, impunity deepens and international norms erode. Today, the illegal military junta in Myanmar is attempting to rebrand itself and secure international legitimacy despite its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity. The international community must not become complicit in the junta’s attempt to restore military dictatorship under the civilian disguise.

The junta’s strategy to secure international recognition begins with a familiar image-laundering exercise, following the same playbook used by previous military rulers: presenting itself as an “elected civilian government” under the self-appointed “presidency” of junta chief and international criminal Min Aung Hlaing.

Behind this civilian façade, the junta is actively seeking international validation through its long-standing allies, such as China, Russia, India, and Belarus. By endorsing the junta’s sham elections and continuing to provide weapons, technical assistance, and capacity-building support, these countries lend legitimacy to the rebranded junta while remaining complicit in its atrocity crimes.

India became the first country to host Min Aung Hlaing following his assumption of the self-appointed presidency. While India’s ongoing appeasement of the junta is nothing new, it is nevertheless deeply troubling to see the world’s largest democracy roll out the red carpet for an architect of the Rohingya genocide and one of the principal perpetrators of the military’s ongoing campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.

To make matters worse, India addressed Min Aung Hlaing as the “President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar”. India later announced that his participation in the International Big Cat Alliance Summit on 1 June was cancelled; however, the damage had already been done. Prior to the visit, a total of 122 civil society organizations, humanitarian networks, and ethnic community groups urged India to rescind the invitation. India is now deepening its complicity not only through this deplorable visit, but also through its continued engagements with and support for the junta. Salai Dokhar, one of the organizers of protests against Min Aung Hlaing’s visit, stated: the community is “…deeply pained to see the mother of democracy welcome the 21st century’s worst dictator”. The timing is hardly coincidental. Predictably, discussion focused on the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, which is slated to become fully operational by 2027 after repeated delays caused by the junta’s lack of territorial control over the area.  The visit is yet another example of neighboring states prioritizing short-term economic interests over the lives, rights, and livelihoods of the people of Myanmar.

China’s engagement follows a similar pattern, demonstrating how political recognition of the junta is increasingly intertwined with its strategic economic interests in Myanmar. In Kachin State, in exchange for political support and legitimacy, the military junta has reportedly agreed to revive the long-suspended Myitsone Dam project, which has remained stalled since 2011 due to widespread public opposition. On the ground, local communities and civil society groups, including the Kachin State Human Rights Defenders Network (KHRN), continue to call for the project’s permanent cancellation and an end to threats of legal action against those who oppose it. The reported revival of the Myitsone Dam project illustrates how diplomatic recognition of the junta is being traded for strategic and economic concessions, despite sustained opposition from affected communities.

Concurrently, Russia, a key international patron and arms supplier of the military junta, continues to deepen its engagement by providing the junta with international platforms and political backing. Russia has invited a junta delegation led by National Security Advisor and Union Minister Tin Aung San to attend the First International Security Forum, as well as the Sixth ASEAN–Russia Consultations of High Representatives for Security Issues. Moreover, the junta is seeking to reinsert itself into regional diplomacy under Russia’s patronage. Speculation has grown over Min Aung Hlaing’s possible participation in the upcoming ASEAN–Russia Summit in June, despite the ASEAN’s continued exclusion of the junta from its summits since late 2021. Russia’s complicity in the junta’s war against democracy has already inflicted immense suffering on the people of Myanmar through its role as the military’s “most important defence partner”. ASEAN must remain steadfast in upholding its decision by continuing to bar Min Aung Hlaing and his representatives from all regional and international engagement platforms.

Similarly, Belarus has been implicated in supplying the military junta with an air defense operation command-and-control system and related training. The recent visit of junta-appointed Defense Minister General Tun Aung to Minsk signals the continuation of military cooperation that enables the junta to sustain its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.

The junta’s survival depends on those who continue to supply arms, political support, and legitimacy, thereby deepening their complicity in the junta’s atrocity crimes. Such support stands in stark contrast to the Myanmar people’s struggle to dismantle military tyranny and build a federal democratic future. As the people continue to resist the junta’s campaign of terror, the backing provided by its external allies remains a major obstacle to ending their suffering and achieving genuine peace, justice, and stability in Myanmar.

At this critical juncture, the international community must choose between justice and complicity.

Ongoing accountability efforts through the International Criminal Court and universal jurisdiction proceedings must be strengthened and fully supported. There can be no credible rules-based international order while perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity are shielded from justice and rewarded with diplomatic engagement. The normalization of relations with the illegal military junta must end. Governments and international actors must deny the military junta legitimacy, isolate it politically and diplomatically, and cut off the military, financial, and economic lifelines that enable its continued campaign of terror against the peoples of Myanmar. Anything less risks emboldening atrocity perpetrators not only in Myanmar, but around the world.

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[1] One year following the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the former military junta changed the country’s name from Burma to Myanmar overnight. Progressive Voice uses the term ‘Myanmar’ in acknowledgement that most people of the country use this term. However, the deception of inclusiveness and the historical process of coercion by the former State Peace and Development Council military regime into usage of ‘Myanmar’ rather than ‘Burma’ without the consent of the people is recognized and not forgotten. Thus, under certain circumstances, ‘Burma’ is used.

Progressive Voice is a participatory, rights-based policy research and advocacy organization that was born out of Burma Partnership. Burma Partnership officially ended its work on October 10, 2016 transitioning to a rights-based policy research and advocacy organization called Progressive Voice. For further information, please see our press release “Burma Partnership Celebrates Continuing Regional Solidarity for Burma and Embraces the Work Ahead for Progressive Voice.”