ASEAN Must Not Enable the Junta’s Bid for Legitimacy

The upcoming ASEAN Summit scheduled for May 5–9, 2026, marks a pivotal moment for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to address the military junta–created polycrisis in Myanmar. ASEAN must demonstrate principled leadership grounded in human rights, take decisive, time-bound action to end the junta’s violence and grave crimes, and safeguard its credibility as a rules-based, people-centered regional bloc.

On April 24, 2026, 201 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations issued an open letter urging ASEAN to end the Myanmar military’s violence, advance accountability, and operationalize cross-border humanitarian assistance. Five years after the adoption of the failed Five-Point Consensus (5PC), ASEAN’s continued reliance on this framework has emboldened the junta to intensify its campaign of terror with total impunity.

On the same day, the ASEAN Chair welcomed “the release of U Win Myint” and called for the release of remaining prisoners, “including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.” By failing to refer to U Win Myint as President and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as State Counselor, ASEAN risks signaling implicit recognition of the junta and its sham electoral process—contradicting Article 2 of the ASEAN Charter and disregarding the will of the people of Myanmar.

The junta’s deception remains evident in its well-worn playbook: staging selective political prisoner releases while escalating violence. Through these actions, it continues its bid for legitimacy, including through engagement with ASEAN.

While ASEAN has barred “non-political representatives” from Myanmar since 2021, this falls short of civil society’s calls to exclude all junta representatives. At this critical juncture, ASEAN must reject the junta’s post–sham election entities and structures. Anything less undermines its credibility and adherence to its Charter.

Thailand’s Foreign Minister visited Naypyidaw on April 22, 2026, reportedly discussing bilateral cooperation and raising concerns about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s whereabouts. Yet the junta has provided no credible information or access, underscoring its lack of transparency. Such engagement risks enabling the junta’s normalization efforts and eventual return to high-level ASEAN participation through its post-sham election entities, thereby enabling the junta to continue its atrocity crimes against the people of Myanmar with entrenched impunity, while posing an increasing threat to regional security and stability.

Karen community organizations have highlighted that the large areas along the Thailand–Myanmar border are under Karen and Karenni governance and urged Thailand to apply maximum pressure on the junta, including for an immediate cessation of violence. They also pointed to cross-border impacts of junta airstrikes near Mae Hong Son, underscoring the growing threat to Thai national security. Thai civil society groups have similarly condemned Thailand’s recent diplomatic engagement with the junta.

There is no basis for granting the junta legitimacy. It continues to disregard the 5PC, perpetrate atrocities against civilians, and fuel transnational crimes through extensive scam operations—posing direct risks to regional security.

Thailand, as a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), must uphold its commitments outlined in the resolution adopted by consensus at the Council’s 61st regular session by facilitating ASEAN’s operationalization of cross-border humanitarian assistance to reach conflict-affected communities. Given its geographic position, Thailand is well placed to lead delivery of life-saving aid to internally displaced populations.

While Thailand has played a vital role in hosting refugees, conditions are deteriorating due to funding cuts. The European Union’s €15 million pledge is a positive step, but broader international donor support is urgently needed to scale up cross-border assistance.

As ASEAN Chair, the Philippines must demonstrate principled leadership by fully barring junta representatives and instead engaging with Myanmar’s legitimate democratic actors, including the National Unity Government (NUG), the Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF), Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs), and civil society. ASEAN must also support accountability efforts, including those pursued under universal jurisdiction in Timor-Leste and Indonesia. Only such actions can advance sustainable peace and regional stability.

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[1] One year following the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the former military junta changed the country’s name from Burma to Myanmar overnight. Progressive Voice uses the term ‘Myanmar’ in acknowledgement that most people of the country use this term. However, the deception of inclusiveness and the historical process of coercion by the former State Peace and Development Council military regime into usage of ‘Myanmar’ rather than ‘Burma’ without the consent of the people is recognized and not forgotten. Thus, under certain circumstances, ‘Burma’ is used.

Progressive Voice is a participatory, rights-based policy research and advocacy organization that was born out of Burma Partnership. Burma Partnership officially ended its work on October 10, 2016 transitioning to a rights-based policy research and advocacy organization called Progressive Voice. For further information, please see our press release “Burma Partnership Celebrates Continuing Regional Solidarity for Burma and Embraces the Work Ahead for Progressive Voice.”