Myanmar Junta’s illegal elections: a farce to gain legitimacy

As it continues to raise the stakes of the catastrophic situation and suffering of civilians in the country, the illegal Myanmar military junta is on the other hand stepping up with its plan to hold an illegal election by unlawfully disbanding dozens of political parties. But the junta’s election scheme must not be taken as an excuse for hoax democracy. The world must take concerted actions as called by the Spring Revolution to support their struggle for a genuine federal democracy.

The order of the junta-controlled Union Election Commission of Myanmar (UEC) to dissolve 40 political parties, including the National League for Democracy which has won landslide victories against the military dictatorship throughout Myanmar’s modern history and at the last election in 2020, is another tactic in the military junta’s odyssey to Fake Democracy Ville. These parties represent an overwhelming total of 987 representatives of 1,161 parliamentary seats, whom were elected by the people of Myanmar at the 2020 general elections. This ploy only highlights the junta’s egregious “attempt to suppress” democratic voices and “continued contempt for the popular will of Burma’s people and multi-party democracy,” as noted by Asian Network for Free Election (ANFREL) and the US respectively. 

It comes as no surprise that such a move has been met with condemnation by democracy-leaning countries. The UK Government called out the junta’s “politically motivated actions and their use of increasingly brutal tactics to sow fear and repress opposition,” while the French Government stated it “testifies to the strategy of systematically dismantling the rule of law.” Australia also raised concern about the “further narrowing of political space” in the country as a result of the deleterious junta-amended Political Party Registration Law.

But one fact must be expressly recognized: the decision is unlawful and has no effect. The junta and the UEC have neither a legal basis nor authority to issue this decision. Despite two years of its scorched-earth war against the nation and the people, the junta remains a mere terrorist organization under domestic law and in international definition. It has not been voted in by the people or has ever represented the people; it has no legal or territorial ground to represent itself as government of Myanmar. Any orders made by junta-controlled bodies, including the UEC, is by default unlawful and rejected by the Myanmar people. 

The “decision” further provides the big picture of Myanmar in the months to come. By now there is no doubt that the junta’s bogus election proposal is a miscalculated trump card to package ‘democratic transition’ and sell ‘business as usual’ to the world. The junta has zero constitutional basis or capability to organize any semblance of a vote.

Yet the junta is taking to put a vote on the table by trying to wear down the Spring Revolution both in the city and in resistance strongholds. The UEC’s unlawful ban came two days after the military’s self-claimed Armed Forces Day when the junta leader threatened to “demolish [anti-junta] forces and take action against ethnic revolutionary organizations (EROs) who help People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and the National Unity Government (NUG).”

This statement rang true on 27 March, when the junta dropped artillery shelling in Maeyonellay Village in Karen State’s Kyaikto Township. A day later, the junta targeted two explosions near an IDP camp in Demoso Township, Karenni State. On 30 March, junta troops launched aerial attacks and heavy artillery on Htee Hpoe Ka Loe Village in the same township, destroying a local clinic and a school. This siege came just hours after junta jets bombed Khuafo Village in Chin State’s Thantlang Township, a non-active fighting area, unprovoked, killing ten people including two children. In a week’s period from 15 March alone, the junta’s airstrikes forced more than 3,000 villagers to flee from Karen State’s Shwe Kyin and Kyaugkgyi Townships.

If the junta is allowed or enabled to advance its proposed vote, it will inflict further horrific crimes on the ground to force voters to the stations and provoke stronger response from the resistance movement. Any assistance to the junta’s election plans will contribute to increased violence and engulf the country in even more violence.

The junta has already shown its hand that it has continuously failed to consolidate control over Myanmar’s diverse domains. The extension of state of emergency and martial law, the escalation of airstrikes and atrocities, and the latest unlawful political parties ban are all pointing to the fact that the Myanmar military is increasingly becoming a house of cards, ready to collapse with the right push from all involved. The Spring Revolution, the NUG, ethnic political parties and EROs, on the other hand, are stacking the cards against the illegal junta both on the fighting ground and in the political arena. 

It is this moment of the resistance coming within an ace of winning the democratic struggle that the world needs to see and thus must support their calls at all costs. ASEAN and the international community at large must not be misled by the junta’s illegal poll or promise of ‘return to normalcy’. Instead, they must unequivocally repudiate the junta’s illegal election plans, and utilize every tool at their disposal to ensure a vote is not on the table. Careful consideration must be paid not to lend legitimacy to the junta’s plan in any way, such as sending observers to monitor voting stations. Attention and efforts should rather be spent on withholding electoral support and stopping the military’s horrendous crimes and attempts to annihilate democratic forces. As voiced by the people of Myanmar: “Reject fascist’s election, Bravely walk the Federal Road.”

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[1] One year following the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the former military junta changed the country’s name from Burma to Myanmar overnight. Progressive Voice uses the term ‘Myanmar’ in acknowledgement that most people of the country use this term. However, the deception of inclusiveness and the historical process of coercion by the former State Peace and Development Council military regime into usage of ‘Myanmar’ rather than ‘Burma’ without the consent of the people is recognized and not forgotten. Thus, under certain circumstances, ‘Burma’ is used.

Progressive Voice is a participatory, rights-based policy research and advocacy organization that was born out of Burma Partnership. Burma Partnership officially ended its work on October 10, 2016 transitioning to a rights-based policy research and advocacy organization called Progressive Voice. For further information, please see our press release “Burma Partnership Celebrates Continuing Regional Solidarity for Burma and Embraces the Work Ahead for Progressive Voice.”