TO:

H.E. Mr. Suharso Monoarfa, Co-Chair, GPEDC
H.E. Mrs. Judith Suminwa Tuluka, Co-Chair, GPEDC
Ms. Marie Ottosson, Co-Chair, GPEDC
Mr. Vitalice Meja, Non-Executive Co-Chair, GPEDC
Yuko Suzuki Naab, Development Cooperation Effectiveness Group, UNDP
Wouter Coussement, Development Co-operation Directorate, OECD
Thomas Boehler, Joint Support Team Contact
Yumna Rathore, Joint Support Team Contact
Park Jin, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Republic of Korea

29 November 2023

Subject: Request to revoke 2023 Busan Global Partnership Forum invitation to Myanmar military junta member

Dear GPEDC leadership,

We are writing this open letter to you on behalf of Myanmar regional and international civil society organisations working together to protect Myanmar people’s right to democratic representation internationally. We call on you to revoke the invitation to the Myanmar military junta member for the upcoming 2023 Busan Global Partnership Forum and publicly affirm your support for the people of Myanmar.

It has recently been brought to our attention that the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC) has invited a representative of the illegal Myanmar military junta to your 2023 Busan Global Partnership Forum which will be held on December 5 and 6 in Seoul, Republic of Korea. The GPEDC and the Korean Government Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent an invitation to the military junta-controlled Ministry of Investment and Foreign Economic Relations, which is led by the junta’s ‘minister’, Kan Zaw, who has recently been sanctioned by the European Union[i] and the United States.[ii] The sanctions are in response to his role in facilitating the flow of foreign funds to the military junta that is responsible for the attempted coup and ongoing atrocities against the people of Myanmar.

We would like to draw your attention to the current political situation in Myanmar. As you are likely to be aware, a democratic general election was held in Myanmar on November 8, 2020. In a landslide victory, the voters elected a government led by the incumbent National League for Democracy party. Independent national and international election observers unanimously concluded[iii] [iv] [v] that the election was free and fair, and the result represented the will of the Myanmar people.

Yet, on February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military launched an illegal coup attempt. Since then, an illegal and illegitimate military junta has seized multiple institutions of government, including domestic ministries and overseas embassies, and attempted to pose as the government of Myanmar. The junta refers to itself as the ‘State Administrative Council’ (SAC), even though it has neither the authority to hold government office nor effective control over the majority of Myanmar’s territories, which are under the administration of the democratic resistance movement and ethnic administration bodies.^[vi]

Under the guise of the SAC, the military junta has launched a nationwide campaign of heinous crimes against the people of Myanmar in an attempt to suppress and control them. Since the attempted coup, the military has killed 4,202 people and imprisoned 19,721 more.[vii] The military has committed massacres, indiscriminate airstrikes, artillery shelling, torture, sexual and gender-based violence and mass arson. As a result of these crimes, almost 2 million people have been forced to flee their homes[viii]  since the attempted coup began and tens of thousands more have been forced to flee to neighboring countries. Such atrocities amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, and these have been committed by the same military that stands accused of genocide and other gross crimes against the Rohingya before the International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Court and in the universal jurisdiction case in Argentina. Thus, it would be an affront to democracy and the people of Myanmar to include a military junta member as an international representative of Myanmar.

The Myanmar military junta’s ability to gain and retain power depends on violence, coercion, access to funds, arms and other resources, and importantly, the blanket impunity it has enjoyed through the absence of overdue justice and accountability. Further, when foreign governments and public institutions engage with the military junta as though it were a government, this risks significant harms for the people of Myanmar, including:

• decisions being made on behalf of Myanmar people that are not in their interests;
• legitimising the Myanmar military junta and assisting their illegal attempts to appear as a government; and
• assisting the military junta in its illegal (and to date unsuccessful) quest to take full control of the country.

Further, the Myanmar military junta is a criminal organisation which is involved in widespread systemic corruption. During the rule of the previous military junta, the military consolidated its control over Myanmar’s key industries through a vast network of state-owned and military-controlled business entities operating in energy, raw materials, food, beverages, alcohol, tobacco, banking, construction, logistics, agriculture, real estate and international trade markets.[ix] These provide billions in revenue from across the economy, enabling the military junta to corruptly fund its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar. The major business entities controlled by the Myanmar military are all currently subject to sanctions from one or more governments of the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Australia and the European Union.[x]

The planned venue of the 2023 Busan Global Partnership Forum, Lotte Hotel in Seoul, is owned by Lotte Corporation,[xi] a company which is implicated in the Myanmar military’s corrupt business network through a joint enterprise.[xii] Research by civil society organisations found that Lotte Corporation is also an investor in the Lotte Hotel and Serviced Apartments complex in Yangon, Myanmar. This complex is built on land leased from the Myanmar Army’s Office of the Quartermaster General of the Commander-in-Chief, under a build-operate-transfer agreement. Under this agreement, the military will take control of the complex following a maximum 70-year lease. Meanwhile, investors in the Lotte Hotel complex are paying millions of US dollars in fees to the Office of the Quartermaster General.[xiii] Lotte Corporation is a co-investor in the complex alongside Spirit Paradise Services which is owned by Ne Aung, the brother of the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Navy, Moe Aung and a longtime Myanmar military crony. Ne Aung is also an owner of the conglomerate, IGE, which was sanctioned by the European Union in February 2022 for providing financial support to companies linked to the Myanmar military and for their genocide against the Rohingya in 2017.[xiv] [xv] Thus, holding the 2023 Busan Global Partnership Forum in the Lotte Hotel will provide financial support to a company that is supporting and benefiting from the Myanmar military’s corrupt business network.[xvi] This would involve acting in contradiction to the recommendations of the United Nations’ Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar[xvii], the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights[xviii] and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.[xix]

In addition, serious questions remain over the military junta’s use of international development assistance and emergency funds. For example, in 2021 following the junta’s attempted coup, US$171 million went missing from a large loan that the International Monetary Fund had provided to help Myanmar combat the COVID-19 virus.[xx] The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has warned the international community about the risk of the military junta weaponising aid.[xxi] To invite a military junta member to take part in an international meeting under the theme “Delivering Better Together to Drive Action at the Country Level: Leveraging Effective Development Cooperation to Tackle Current Crises” while the military junta is itself engaged in mass-scale corruption, which may involve misappropriation of crisis funding, is both contradictory and egregious.

In consideration of the above, we kindly request that you ensure that the 2023 Busan Global Partnership Forum does not provide political support and false legitimacy to the Myanmar military junta.

Specifically, we are seeking your support and confirmation that for this event and all other GPEDC meetings and events:

1. the people of Myanmar will be represented by their democratically elected government, the National Unity Government; and
2. the illegitimate military junta that is currently illegally occupying many of Myanmar’s national institutions of government will be banned;
3. Lotte Hotels will not be used as meeting venues or accommodation for guests.

This request echoes the recommendation of the United Nations Special Rapporteur for the situation of human rights in Myanmar[xxii] who urges that “Member States who support human rights, democracy, and the aspirations of the people of Myanmar publicly reject the SAC’s false claim as a legitimate government and instead recognize the NUG as the legitimate representative of the people of Myanmar.”

It is also in line with the recommendations of the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar which conducted an in-depth analysis of businesses linked to the Myanmar military. The Mission found that real estate is a major revenue stream for the Myanmar military and strongly advised against entering into or remaining in a business relationship of any kind with the Myanmar military.[xxiii]

Your decision to ensure that the people of Myanmar are represented by their democratically elected government, not the illegal military junta, would be consistent with the decision of your Swiss colleagues who organised the 2022 Effective Development Cooperation Summit and revoked an invitation that arrived to Myanmar military junta members. Further, it would also be in line with the United Nations’ decision to avoid allowing military junta members to represent Myanmar in the General Assembly,^[xxiv] as well as some recent decisions of ASEAN not to invite representatives of the military junta to high-level meetings.[xxv] [xxvi]

The democratically elected National Unity Government can be contacted via the details provided on their official website. The National Unity Government’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs also has a representative in Korea, U Yan Naing Htun, who can be contacted via his official Facebook page. We encourage you to formulate a relationship with him, if you have not done so already. If you require further information about the current situation in Myanmar, and/or assistance in distinguishing legitimate government representatives of Myanmar from illegal military junta members, we remain at your disposal to assist in this process.

We look forward to your positive response and will continue to monitor whether your actions support the people of Myanmar or the brutal and illegitimate military junta.

Sincerely,

This letter is endorsed by 660 organisations representing Myanmar regional and international civil society, including the 388 organisations listed below and 272 organisations which have chosen not to disclose their names.

List of organisations:

1. 5/ of Zaya State  Strike
2. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
3. A-Yar-Taw People Strike
4.  Action Against Myanmar Military Coup (Sydney)
5. Action Committee of Basic Education Students (ACBES)
6. Action Group for Democracy and Human Rights
7. All Aung Myay Thar San Schools Strike Force
8. All Burma Democratic Face
9. All Burma Federation of Student Unions (Monywa District)
10. All Burma Student Democratic Front – Australia Branch
11. All Young Burmese League (AYBL)
12. Alliance for Democracy in Myanmar
13. Alliance of Students’ Union – Yangon (ASU-Yangon)
14. ALTSEAN-Burma
15. An Nah Podcast – conversations with Myanmar
16. Anti-coup Forces Coordination Committee (ACFCC -Mandalay)
17. Anti-Junta Alliance Yangon-AJAY
18. Anti-Myanmar Dictatorship Movement
19. Anti-Myanmar Military Dictatorship Network (AMMDN)
20. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
21. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
22. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
23. Association of United Nationality in Japan (AUN)
24. Association Suisse Birmanie (ASB)
25. Association, Myanmar-Switzerland (IAMS)
26. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
27. Auckland Kachin Community NZ
28. Auckland Zomi Community
29. Aung San Su Kyi Park, Norway
30. Aung Zay Ya (Korea)
31. Australia Burma Friendship Association, Northern Territory
32. Australia Karen Organization WA Inc.
33. Australia Myanmar Doctors, Nurses and Friends
34. Australia Myanmar Youth Alliance (AMYA)
35. Australian Burmese Muslim Organisation
36. Australian Chin Community (Eastern Melbourne Inc)
37. Australian Karen Organisation (AKO)
38. AWDO Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organization ( Minbu)
39. AWDO Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organization (Nagphe)
40. Bamar Community Tasmania
41. Basic Education General Strike Committee (BEGSC)
42. Basic Education Students & Youths Association
43. Basic Education Worker Unions – Steering Committee (BEWU-SC)
44. Blood Money Campaign
45. BMT counselling
46. Burma Action Ireland
47. Burma Civil War Museum
48. Burma Human Rights Network
49. Burma Lawyers’ Council (BLC)
50. Burma Refugee Saving Association (B.R.S.A)
51. Burmese Community – South Australia
52. Burmese Community Development Collaboration (BCDC)
53. Burmese Community Group (Manawatu, NZ)
54. Burmese Community Support Group (BCSG)
55. Burmese Friendship Association
56. Burmese Medical Association Australia (BMAA)
57. Burmese Muslim Association (BMA)
58. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
59. Burmese Women’s Union
60. Canberra Karen Association
61. CDM Medical Network (CDMMN)
62. Chanmyatharzi Township People’s Strike
63. Chaung Oo Township Youth Strike Committee
64. Chin Community – South Australia
65. Chin Community of Auckland
66. Chin Community of Japan (CCJ)
67. Chin Community of Western Australia Inc.
68. Chin Community Tasmania
69. Chin Comunity in Norway
70. Chin National Front Regional Committee Korea
71. Chin Youth Organization
72. Chin Youth Organization of Japan (CYO-JP)
73. Chin Youth Organization-South Korea
74. Chindwin (West) Villages Women Strike
75. Citizen of Burma Award – New Zealand
76. Civil Information Network (CIN)
77. Civil Society Organizations Coordination Committee (Monywa)
78. Co-operative University Mandalay Students’ Strike
79. Coalition Strike Committee – Dawei
80. Colorful Spring (ရောင်စုံနွေဦး)
81. CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland
82. CRPH Funding Ireland
83. CRPH Support Group, Norway
84. CRPH/NUG support group Australia
85. Daejeon Myanmar Democratic Peace Alliance
86. Daung Sitthe Strike
87. Dawei (Ashaetaw) Women Strike
88. Dawei Youth Organization-Korea
89. Dawei Youths in Japan (DYJ)
90. Dawei Youths Revolutionary Movement Strike Committee
91. Defend Myanmar Democracy
92. Democracy for Burma
93. Democratic Party for a New Society, Norway
94. Depayin Township Revolution Steering Committee
95. Depayin Women Strike
96. Dhobama (2021 Generation)
97. Doh Atu – Ensemble pour le Myanmar
98. DPNS
99. Dragon Dawn
100. Dunedin Myanmar Community New Zealand
101. DYC
102. Educational Initiatives Prague
103. Equality Myanmar
104. Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee (Mandalay)
105. ETOs Watch Coalition
106. Falam Community – South Australia
107. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
108. Federation of Worker’s Union of Burmese Citizens in Japan (FWUBC)
109. Former Political Prisoners and New Generation Group – Monywa
110. Friends Against Dictatorship (FAD)
111. Future Light Center
112. Future Thanlwin
113. Gangaw Women Strike
114. General Strike Collaboration Committee (GSCC)
115. General Strike Committee of Basic and Higher Education (GSCBHE)
116. General Strike Committee of Nationalities (Tavoyan)
117. General Strike Committee of Nationalities- GSCN
118. Generation Wave
119. GenY For Revolution Japan
120. Gimpo Myanmar Friends Korea
121. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution – Japan
122. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution Korea(GMSR)
123. Golden Brethren’s From Korea (G.B.K)
124. Grass-root People
125. HANGUKYWA-Burmese Information Networks in Korea
126. Hazel(NST-Host)
127. Hope For Youth -Kyushu Japan
128. Human Rights Foundation of Monland
129. Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
130. India for Myanmar
131. Industrial Training Centre (ITC) Family Sydney
132. Industries Strike
133. Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID)
134. International Society of Myanmar Scholars and Professionals (Japan)
135. Japan Myanmar Future Creative Association (JMFCA)
136. Japan Myanmar Help Network – JMHN
137. Joint Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (JACDB)
138. Junta Denouncing Committee (Korea)
139. Justice 4 Myanmar – Hope & Development
140. Justice For Myanmar
141. K’cho Ethnic Association
142. Kachin Affairs Organizintion -Japan (KAO (Japan)
143. Kachin Association Australia
144. Kachin Association Norway
145. Kachin Association of Australia WA Inc.
146. Kachin Student Union
147. Kalay Township Strike Committee
148. Kalay Women Strike
149. Kansai Group Japan
150. Karen Community – South Australia
151. Karen Human Rights Group
152. Karen National League Japan-KNL
153. Karen Peace Support Network
154. Karen Swedish Community
155. Karenni Association – Norway
156. Karenni Civil Society Network
157. Karenni Community of Western Australia Inc.
158. Karenni Federation of Australia
159. Karenni National Society (KNS)Japan
160. Karenni National Women’s Organization
161. Karenni Society  New  Zealand
162. Kayin Community Tasmania
163. KnowUsMoreMyanmar (KUM)
164. Kobe Myanmar Community (KMC)
165. Korea Kachin community
166. KTJ Supporting Group
167. Kyain Seikgyi Spring Revolution Leading Committee
168. Kyauktada Strike Committee
169. Lark Guerrilla Revolution Force
170. Latpadaung Region Strike Committee
171. League For Democracy in Burma (L.D.B Japan)
172. LGBT Alliance Myanmar (Kalay Region)
173. LGBT Alliance Myanmar (Kyaukse Region)
174. LGBT Community Yangon
175. LGBT Union – Mandalay
176. Los Angeles Myanmar Movement (LA2M)
177. Magway People’s Revolution Committee
178. Maharaungmyay Township People’s Strike
179. Mandalar University Students’ Strike
180. Mandalay Alliance Coalition Strike
181. Mandalay Medical Family (MFM)
182. Mandalay Strike Force (MSF)
183. Mandalay Women Strike
184. Mandalay Youth Strike
185. Mandalay-based People’s Strike
186. Mandalay-Based University Students’ Unions (MDY_SUs)
187. Matu Burma Foundation
188. Matu Chin Community – South Australia
189. MayMyo Strike Force
190. Metta Campaign Mandalay
191. MilkTeaAlliance Calendar Team
192. MilkTeaAlliance Friends of Myanmar
193. Min Hla Farmers Group
194. Minbu Farmers  Group
195. Mindat Chin Community NSW
196. Mindat Community – South Australia
197. Mizo Community – South Australia
198. Mon Association – Norway
199. Mon Families Group
200. Mon National Council (MNC)
201. Mon State Development Center
202. Mon Youth For Federal Democracy (MYFD)
203. Monywa LGBT Strike
204. Monywa People’s Strike Steering Committee
205. Monywa Women Strike
206. Monywa-Amyint Road Strike Leading Committee
207. Monywa-Amyint Road Women Strike
208. MSU – US (ABFSU)
209. Multi-Religions  Strike
210. Mya Taung Strike
211. Myanmar Baptist Churches in Norway
212. Myanmar Buddhist Community of South Australia
213. Myanmar Campaign Network
214. Myanmar Catholic Community In Norway
215. Myanmar Community Christchurch New Zealand
216. Myanmar Community Coffs Harbour (MCC)
217. Myanmar Community in Italy
218. Myanmar Community in Norway
219. Myanmar Cultural Research Society
220. Myanmar Democracy and Peace Committee (Australia)
221. Myanmar Democratic Movement (MDM)
222. Myanmar Development Support Group (MDSG)
223. Myanmar Diaspora Group Finland
224. Myanmar Engineering Association of Australia (MEAA)
225. Myanmar Engineers – New Zealand
226. Myanmar Federal Democratic Mission Coalition – Korea(MFDMC-Korea)
227. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
228. Myanmar Hindu Community – Norway
229. Myanmar Institute of Information Technology Students’ Strike
230. Myanmar Labor Alliance (MLA)
231. Myanmar Muslim Organization – Norway
232. Myanmar Nationalities’ Support Organization – JP (MNSO)
233. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
234. Myanmar People Residing in Canberra
235. Myanmar Revolution Supporters
236. Myanmar Spring Revolution Japan (MSRJ)
237. Myanmar Student Union – US (All Burma Federation of Student Unions)
238. Myanmar Students Organization in Korea
239. Myanmar Students’ Association Australia (MSAA)
240. Myanmar Students’ Union in New Zealand
241. Myanmar Tozan Club (MTC)
242. Myanmar Worker Welfare Center (Korea)
243. Myanmar Youth and Student Association, Japan (MYSA)
244. Myanmar Youth Organization in Korea
245. Myanmar’s Youth Association Hokkaido (MYAH)
246. Myaung Youth Network
247. MyaYar Knowledge Tree
248. Myingyan Civillian Movement Committee
249. Myingyan-GZ-Group(KOREA)
250. N. B. S. G
251. National Advocacy Group – New Zealand
252. National League for Democracy (Monywa Township)
253. National League for Democracy Organizing Committee(International-Korea)
254. Nelson Myanmar Community New Zealand
255. Netherlands Myanmar Solidarity Platform
256. Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma)
257. Network of University Student Unions – Monywa
258. New Zealand Doctors for NUG
259. New Zealand Karen Association
260. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
261. NLD Organization Committe (International) Norway
262. NLD Solidarity Association (Australia)
263. No.12 Basic Education Branch High School ( Maharaungmyay) Students’ Union
264. Norway Falam Community
265. Norway Matu Community
266. Norway Rawang Community
267. NSW Karenni (Kayah) Communities
268. Okinawa Myanmar Association (OMA)
269. Our Force/White Raindrops Charity Foundation
270. Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand
271. Oway Institute
272. Pa-O Youth Organization(South Korea)
273. Padauk Finland-Myanmar Association
274. Palaung National Society Japan, PNS-Japan
275. Palaw Supporting Group – Japan
276. Pale Township People’s Strike Steering Committee
277. Patriotic War Vetrans of Burma (PWVB)
278. People’s Hope Spring Revolution (PHSR)
279. Perth Myanmar Youth Network
280. Photographer’s Supporting – Korea
281. Pocheon Myanmar NUG Youth Organization
282. PRCD ( Parchan River Conservation and Development )
283. Progressive Voice
284. Punnyakari Mon National Society Japan,PMNS-Japan
285. Pwintphyu Development Organisation
286. Pyeongtaek Myanmar Community
287. Pyi Gyi Tagon Strike Force
288. Pyit Taing Htaung Social Club
289. Queensland Kachin Community (QKC)
290. Queensland Myanmar Youth Collective (QMYC)
291. Queensland Rohingya Community
292. Rangoon Scout Network – RSN
293. Red Campaign Nirvana Exhortation Group
294. Remonya Association of WA (Mon Community)
295. Representative Committee of University Teacher Associations (RC of UTAs)
296. Revolution & Peace (korea)
297. Revolution Tokyo Myanmar (RTM)
298. Rise Again Myanmar(Daegu)R A M
299. Rohingya Community in Norway
300. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
301. Samgha Sammaga-Mandalay
302. Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women at Border Areas
303. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
304. Save Myanmar San Francisco
305. Save Myanmar USA
306. Seinpann Strike
307. Shan Community (New Zealand)
308. Shan Community in Japan (SCJ)
309. ShizuYouth For Myanmar
310. Shwe Pan Kone People`s Strike Steering Committee
311. Shwe Youth Democratic Alliance (SYDA)
312. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
313. Social Garden
314. Sone See Yar (Volunteer Group)
315. Sourthen Monitor
316. Southcare Medical Centre
317. Southern Dragon Myanmar
318. Spring Friends
319. Spring Revolution Nine Youths(SRNY Team)
320. Spring Revolution Restaurant ( SRR )
321. Spring Sprouts
322. Support for Myanmar
323. Suwon Migrants Center(Myanmar Community)
324. Sydney Friends for Myanmar Unity
325. SYDO ( Southern Youth Development Organization)
326. Synergy – Social Harmony Organization
327. Ta’ang Women’s Organization
328. Tai Youths Network Japan (TYNJ)
329. Taze Strike Commitee
330. Taze Women Strike
331. Thakhin Kodaw Mhine Peace Network (Monywa)
332. Thayat Chaung Women Strike
333. The 88 Generation Peace and Open Society (Monywa)
334. The Group that Overthrew the Era of Fear
335. The Institution of Professional Engineers Myanmar (IPEM)
336. The Mekong Butterfly
337. Try Together At Japan (TTAJ)
338. Twitter Team for Revolution (TTFR)
339. U.S. Campaign for Burma
340. UGRS
341. Union of Myanmar Citizen Association – Japan
342. United Myanmar Community of South Australia
343. University Students’ Unions Alumni Force
344. Victorian Burmese Care Community (VBCC)
345. Victorian Myanmar Youth (VMY)
346. Voice For Justice
347. Volunteers in Myanmar
348. We Are One Saga MOSA
349. We for All
350. We Love Mother Land-Korea
351. We Pledge CDM (Australia)
352. We Support
353. Western Australia Myanmar Community (WAMC)
354. Western Australia Myanmar Democratic Network (WAMDN)
355. Wetlet Revolution Leading Committee
356. Wetlet Twonship Women Strike
357. White Coat Society Yangon (WCSY)
358. Women Activists Myanmar (WAM)
359. Women Alliance Burma (WAB)
360. Yadanabon University Students’ Union ( YDNBUSU)
361. Yadanar Foundation
362. Yangon Women Strike
363. Yasakyo Township People`s Strike Steering Committee
364. Yaw Funding Japan
365. Yinmarpin and Salingyi All Villages Strike Committee
366. Yokohama Pamphlet Campaign – Myanmar
367. Youth for democratization of Myanmar (UDM)
368. Youth Heart Beams
369. Zo Community – South Australia
370. Zomi Association Australia Inc.
371. Zomi Christian Fellowship of Norway
372. Zomi Community – South Australia
373. Zomi Community Norway
374. Zomi Community Queensland
375. ခုနစ်စဥ်ကြယ်အဖွဲ့
376. ဂျပန်ပြည်မှတွဲလက်များ
377. စစ်အာဏာရှင် ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးကော်မတီ (ကိုရီးယား)
378. စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမူ့ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးကော်မတီ
379. တွဲလက်ညီ
380. ဒို့မြေကွန်ရက် – LIOH
381. နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက်
382. ပွင့်ဖြူလယ်ယာမြေကွန်ရက်
383. မဟာမြေပြင်
384. ရောင်နီသစ်ဆီတက်လှမ်းချီ
385. လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ပံ့ရေး
386. သွေးချင်းမဟာမိတ်
387. သွေးသစ္စာ
388. အနာဂတ်အလင်းရောင်

[i] Official Journal of the European Union, Council Implementing Regulation (EU) 2022/2177 of 8 November 2022 implementing Regulation (EU) No 401/2013 concerning restrictive measures in view of the situation in Myanmar/Burma, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=OJ:L:2022:286I:FULL

[ii] US Department of the Treasury – Office of Foreign Assets Control, Burma-related Designations; Counter Narcotics Designations Removals; Issuance of Burma-related Directive 1 and Frequently Asked Questions, 31 October 2023, https://ofac.treasury.gov/recent-actions/20231031

[iii] Domestic Election Observer Organizations, Joint Statement by Domestic Election Observer Organizations, 29 January 2021, https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eLc0m-nFWorVCbucKBa8E9E2IsZo4_uW/preview

[iv] Reiner M. Antiquerra, John; Buenaobra, Maribel; Chung Lun, Lee & Vier, Amaël, The 2020 Myanmar General Elections: Democracy Under Attack – ANFREL International Election Observer Mission Report, Asian Network for Free Elections, 2021, https://anfrel.org/anfrel-releases-2020-myanmar-general-elections-final-observation-mission-report/

[v] The Carter Center, Election observation mission, Myanmar, general election, November 8, 2020, Preliminary Statement, 10 November 2020, https://www.cartercenter.org/resources/pdfs/news/peace_publications/election_reports/myanmar-preliminary-statement-112020.pdf

^[vi] Briefing Paper: Effective Control in Myanmar, Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, 5 September 2022, https://specialadvisorycouncil.org/2022/09/briefing-effective-control-myanmar/

[vii] Assistance Association For Political Prisoners (Burma), Daily briefing, 27 November 2023, https://aappb.org/?p=26812

[viii] United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Myanmar Emergency Overview Map: Number of people displaced since Feb 2021 and remain displaced (as of 20 Nov 2023), 23 November 2023,  https://reliefweb.int/map/myanmar/myanmar-emergency-overview-map-number-people-displaced-feb-2021-and-remain-displaced-20-nov-2023

[ix] United Nations, The economic interests of the Myanmar military – Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, (report addressed to the 42nd session of the United Nations Human Rights Council), August 5 2019, https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/FFMMyanmar/EconomicInterestsMyanmarMilitary/A_HRC_42_CRP_3.pdf

[x] United Nations, The Billion Dollar Death Trade: The International Arms Networks that Enable Human Rights Violations in Myanmar, (Conference room paper of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human

rights in Myanmar), 17 May 2023, https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/countries/myanmar/crp-sr-myanmar-2023-05-17.pdf

[xi] Lotte Corporation, Tourism/Service/Finance – Lotte Hotel, 2023, https://www.lotte.co.kr/global/en/business/compDetail.do?compCd=L423#none

[xii] Reporters Without Borders, ‘Stop funding Myanmar’s generals, RSF tells 10 multinationals’, 8 April 2021, https://rsf.org/en/stop-funding-myanmar-s-generals-rsf-tells-10-multinationals

[xiii] Justice For Myanmar, Developing a Dictatorship – how governments and international organisations are supporting the illegal Myanmar military junta – and what must be done to stop this, January 2023, https://www.justiceformyanmar.org/stories/developing-a-dictatorship

[xiv] European Union, Council implementing regulation (EU) 2022/239 of 21 February 2022 implementing Regulation (EU) No 401/2013 concerning restrictive measures in view of the situation in Myanmar/Burma, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=uriserv%3AOJ.L_.2022.040.01.0010.01.ENG&toc=OJ%3AL%3A2022%3A040%3AFULL

[xv] European Union, Council implementing regulation (EU) 2022/243 of 21 February 2022 amending Decision 2013/184/CFSP concerning restrictive measures in view of the situation in Myanmar/Burma, Official Journal of the European Union, Volume 65, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=uriserv%3AOJ.L_.2022.040.01.0028.01.ENG&toc=OJ%3AL%3A2022%3A040%3AFULL

[xvi] International Entrepreneur Group, Our Management, 2022, https://www.ige.com.mm/our-management

[xvii] United Nations, The economic interests of the Myanmar military – Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (report addressed to the 42nd session of the United Nations Human Rights Council), 5 August 2019, https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/FFM-Myanmar/EconomicInterestsMyanmarMilitary/A_HRC_42_CRP_3.pdf

[xviii] United Nations, Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, 2011, https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Publications/GuidingPrinciplesBusinessHR_EN.pdf

[xix] Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, OECD Guidelines

for Multinational Enterprises – 2011 edition, https://www.oecd.org/daf/inv/mne/48004323.pdf

[xx] Visser, Anrike, ‘Myanmar’s Missing Millions’, The Diplomat, 3 November 2021, [accessed online], https://thediplomat.com/2021/11/myanmars-missing-millions/

[xxi] Thomas Andrews, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Thomas H. Andrews, [Advance unedited version of the report to the 49^th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council, A/HRC/49/76], April 2022, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G22/378/17/PDF/G2237817.pdf?OpenElement

[xxii] Thomas Andrews, Illegal and Illegitimate: Examining the Myanmar military’s claim as the Government of Myanmar and the international response Conference room paper of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar (A/HRC/52/CRP.2), 31 January 2023, https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/countries/mm/2023-01-27/crp-sr-myanmar-2023-01-31.pdf

[xxiii] United Nations, The economic interests of the Myanmar military – Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (report addressed to the 42nd session of the United Nations Human Rights Council), 5 August 2019, https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/FFM-Myanmar/EconomicInterestsMyanmarMilitary/A_HRC_42_CRP_3.pdf

[xxiv] United Nations, General Assembly defers decision on Afghanistan and Myanmar seats, 6 December 2021, https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/12/1107262

[xxv] Radio Free Asia, Cambodia Postpones First ASEAN Meeting Amid Differences Among Members, Voice of America, 13 January 2022, https://www.voanews.com/a/cambodia-postpones-first-asean-meeting-amid-differencesamong-members-/6395847.html

[xxvi] The Straits Times/Asia News Network, Myanmar junta snubbed at Asean defense chiefs’ meet, The Inquirer, 23 November 2022, https://globalnation.inquirer.net/208753/myanmar-junta-snubbed-at-asean-defense-chiefsmeet

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